Across Africa, a growing number of incumbents are adopting a well-rehearsed script to eliminate term limits, abolish direct presidential elections, and entrench themselves in power for life. The pattern, set by Angola's José Eduardo dos Santos in 2010 and repeated by leaders in Togo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and most recently Zimbabwe, reveals a coordinated assault on democratic governance.
Angola's 2010 Constitution: The Original Blueprint
José Eduardo Van-Dúnem dos Santos was 37 when the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) chose him to succeed founding president Augustinho Neto in September 1979. By 2010, he had ruled for 31 years. Despite being a shy and retreating figure, dos Santos orchestrated a radical constitutional change. Under the 1992 constitution, the president was elected directly by the people. In December 2006, Angola announced a presidential election for 2009. But when the time came, dos Santos cancelled it. Instead, on 21 January 2010, the MPLA-controlled parliament approved a new constitution, which he signed on 5 February. It abolished direct presidential elections, transferring the power to elect the president to parliament—where the MPLA held a majority. The new constitution extended dos Santos's unelected tenure until 2012 and made the leader of the majority party automatically president, effectively removing the people from the process.
Copycats Across the Continent
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, President Joseph Kabila took note after being elected to a second term in 2011. According to analysts, Kabila employed various strategies to prolong his stay in power
and to manipulate the system to his advantage.
After his term ended in December 2016, he granted himself a two-year extension without an election. Only after sustained pressure did he step down in 2019, ending an 18-year rule.
In Togo, Faure Gnassingbe has presided over two republics for 21 years, succeeding his father, General Gnassingbe Eyadema. In May 2024, facing a seemingly insurmountable term limit, he abolished the executive presidency and the right of citizens to elect their president. Under the new constitution for Togo's 5th Republic, the office of state president became ceremonial. A new position—President of the Council of Ministers—was created, wielding all executive powers. This president can serve indefinitely as long as his party holds power. The opposition called it a constitutional coup
, and across the continent, observers labeled it a blueprint for dictators.
Zimbabwe: The Crocodile's Grip
Probably the most meticulous follower of this blueprint is Zimbabwe's Emmerson Mnangagwa. When he ousted Robert Mugabe in November 2017, Mnangagwa was 75. Many saw him as a stop-gap figure. Instead, he began consolidating power. When Chief Justice Luke Malaba turned 70 in May 2021, Mnangagwa secured an unprecedented five-year extension for him, bending the judiciary to his will. Ahead of the August 2023 presidential elections, he awarded all judges a non-repayable housing loan of $400,000 US dollars, to ensure their cooperation. Since his rise, over 25 top military generals, including four of the six who propelled him to power, have died, many under mysterious circumstances.
Zimbabwe's 2013 constitution limited presidents to two five-year terms. Elected in 2018, Mnangagwa would face term limits in 2028. But in October 2025, the ruling ZANU-PF Party sought an extension for continuity. On 7 July 2026, Mnangagwa signed a constitutional amendment extending the presidential term from five to seven years and abolishing the popular election of the president in favour of selection by parliament, a change that will keep him in office two years beyond the limit previously set by the constitution.
Thus, in 2028, when he turns 86 and would have been term-limited, he will instead be presented to parliament for a continued rule until at least 93. If renewed further, he could rule into his centenary, with no popular vote.
The Path to Perpetual Rule
Nearly three years ago, in November 2023, Nigeria's former President Olusegun Obasanjo—who himself unsuccessfully sought a third term—claimed Western-style democracy was forced on Africa and was not suitable. His disciples across the continent have since offered experiments in attaining his goal. The emerging elements are clear: first, the people are inconvenient—who rules is decided by those beholden to the ruler, not the citizenry. Second, parliaments and judges become enablers of dictatorship; it is cheaper to pay them off and easier to eliminate hold-outs. Third, popular elections are an unaffordable luxury; carving up the country into small constituencies serves a pretense of democracy. Fourth, periodic mandate renewal is anachronistic; a life presidency keeps things predictable.
Across Africa, many wannabe life presidents are limbering up. The future of government of the people, by the people, for the people looks increasingly beleaguered, if not bleak. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a lawyer and professor at The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, provided this analysis.
