Colleagues and readers of this column have drawn my attention to an article by Mr. Tayo Lawal which has gone viral, discussing the profound thoughts of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, one of Nigeria's most prominent leaders. At his death, former President Ibrahim Babangida described Awolowo as the issue in Nigerian politics, while General Gowon praised his debating ability and insights during Federal Executive Council meetings. The Guardian editorial titled 'Awo: Prophet Jeremiah Departs' captured the sentiment. Babangida noted that one was either for or against Awolowo; there could be no neutrality.
Nigerians continue to reference Awolowo's exemplary discipline, exertion, and integrity, especially during difficult times. His pronouncements and predictions are recalled with heightened interest due to current national experiences. The question arises: what is it about Awolowo this time? His thoughts on how nations should be structured and relationships among diverse peoples are extensively cited. It is believed that Nigeria's problems stem from the foundational structure of the 1914 Amalgamation. Awolowo argued convincingly that the nation's multifarious problems are foundational and that the path to statehood has been misguided.
The Core of Awolowo's Constitutional Thought
Mr. Tayo Lawal's article, after going viral, prompted questions about what Awolowo prescribed and why Nigeria remains sick. In his final years, Awolowo pointed to his books, saying, 'They ask me what to do. I have already written it. The question is whether Nigeria will ever read.' The book being ignored is 'Thoughts on Nigerian Constitution' written in 1966 while he was in prison during the Civil War. In it, Awolowo turned federalism into pure science with four laws:
- First Law: If a country is unilingual and uni-national, the constitution must be unitary.
- Second Law: If a country is unilingual and consists of communities with divergent nationalities, the constitution must be federal, and states organized on language and nationality.
- Third Law: If a country is bilingual or multilingual, the constitution must be federal, and states organized on a linguistic basis.
- Fourth Law: Any experiment with a unitary constitution in a bilingual or multilingual country must fail in the long run.
Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups and hundreds of languages. By Awolowo's measure, a unitary constitution is not just a bad idea but doomed. He explained that in countries with divergences of language and nationality, a unitary constitution causes bitterness and hostility among minority groups. If the minority is weak, bitterness may be dormant, but once they become enlightened and politically conscious, bitterness emerges with venom until home rule is achieved. This describes Nigeria in 2026.
Awolowo's Refusal to Join the Constituent Assembly
In 1978, General Obasanjo invited Awolowo to the Constituent Assembly drafting the 1979 Constitution. He refused because the Assembly was not sovereign; the military retained the right to change or reject anything, with 'no-go areas' off limits. Awolowo called it a 'mere debating society.' He was right. The 1999 Constitution was a military decree wearing democratic clothes. Chief Afe Babalola noted that the constitution was made to allow the military to perpetuate themselves in power. Chief Emeka Anyaoku reminded us that the constitution was imposed by military decree.
The Sabotage Line by Line
The 1999 Constitution gives the Federal Government exclusive control over 68 items, including police, mines, oil, aviation, defence, and foreign affairs. States control nothing economically significant. Under the 1963 Constitution, regions controlled education, health, agriculture, and housing. Awolowo warned that a unitary constitution would become unduly complex, wasteful, and productive of disharmony. Unless a superman is at the helm, the administrative machinery would disintegrate under bureaucratic centralism.
Section 214 forbids any state from having its own police. When bandits terrorize Zamfara, the state cannot act. When the South-West proposed Amotekun, the federal government declared it illegal. Awolowo defined true federalism as a composite state where supreme legislative power is divided between central and state authorities, making them co-ordinate and independent. He warned that Nigeria was moving toward a unitary constitution with heavy devolution, leading to a nervous breakdown, now manifesting as banditry, kidnapping, and flags in forests.
The Federation Account allocates 52.68% to the federal government, 26.72% to states, and 20.60% to local governments. Every month, governors go to Abuja with a begging bowl. Lagos generates over 60% of non-oil tax revenue but receives less than 5% back. Awolowo said unitary constitution represses healthy rivalry, which is the soul of development.
Section 18 says the government shall ensure equal educational opportunities, but Section 6 makes these directive principles non-justiciable. You cannot enforce your right to education. Awolowo called such rights 'empty platitudes and hollow admonitions.' The result: 13.5 million out-of-school children, the highest globally, with teachers unpaid and schools closed. Awolowo said, 'The kids you refused to educate are coming back to hunt you down.'
The Way Forward
Undo the sabotage line by line. Establish state police by deleting Section 214. Awolowo noted that suspending regional governments caused more mischief than leaving them alone until the next election. Achieve fiscal autonomy by abolishing the Federation Account, letting states keep 70% of what they generate. Make education, healthcare, and housing justiciable rights in Chapter Four. Shrink the Exclusive List from 68 items to five: defence, foreign affairs, currency, immigration. Delete the President's power to suspend state governments. Awolowo warned against creating a Leviathan before whom Nigerians would go on their knees. Above all, convene a Sovereign National Conference with no military veto, no no-go areas, and no predetermined outcomes.
The short answer: Awolowo answered sixty years ago in 'Thoughts on Nigerian Constitution'—true federalism, state police, fiscal autonomy, justiciable rights, and a sovereign national conference. The 1999 Constitution sabotaged every one. The way forward is to undo that sabotage.
Objections arise: it's impossible, northern elites will never agree, the political class benefits too much. These same objections were raised against Awolowo in 1951 when he proposed free education. He did it anyway. They said Cocoa House would collapse; it still stands. They said Western Region would go bankrupt; it prospered. Those who say change is impossible have benefited from the absence of change.
Seneca wrote: 'No man was ever wise by chance.' Awolowo's wisdom came from nights spent worrying about a nation that did not want to be saved. He kept writing, warning, pointing to the rock while the helmsman steered toward it. Now the ship has hit the rock; the hull is cracked; water is rising. The difference between 1981 and 2026 is that now everyone is listening. Every kidnapping, armed robbery, and flag raised by bandits is a sermon on Awolowo's text. A nation that refuses to educate its poor will be hunted by the ghosts of its neglect.
Nigeria's problems are not complex; they are deep. As Awolowo said, only the deep can call to the deep. The shallow cannot hear him. But those reading are not shallow. The question is no longer 'What did Awolowo say?' but 'Will we finally read? And if we read, will we finally act?'
